FC: Some people never learn: Judge Jackson defends his big mouth

From: Declan McCullagh (declanat_private)
Date: Mon Oct 21 2002 - 19:39:04 PDT

  • Next message: Declan McCullagh: "FC: DOJ says Bernstein encryption case is moot, should be dismissed"

    Jackson makes some cogent and intelligent points about judicial secrecy. 
    But what he doesn't seem to get is that if he does not care for a law or 
    regulation, it does not suddenly cease to apply to him.
    
    -Declan
    
    ---
    
    Previous Politech messages:
    
    MS to Supremes: Judge Jackson's bias should give us new trial
    http://www.politechbot.com/p-02365.html
    
    Appeals court nixes Microsoft breakup order, new judge 
    appointed
    http://www.politechbot.com/p-02195.html
    
    ---
    
    Subject: Some people never learn:  Judge Jackson in Legal Times
    To: Declanat_private
    From: "James Lucier" <james_lucierat_private>
    Date: Tue, 15 Oct 2002 16:16:09 -0400
    
    Hi Declan:
    
    Thought FC'ers might enjoy this comment published in the Legal Times by the
    ever-forthright Judge Jackson.   After public spankings for his ex parte
    comments on both the Marion Berry and Microsoft cases, he is back for more.
    Here's the key paragraph:
    
    One convention of federal judicial life to which I have never been fully
    reconciled is the notion that judges shouldn't ever comment publicly about
    their cases-period. As the branch of government that prides itself on being
    the principal guardian of the right of free speech for all, the federal
    judiciary can still be remarkably intolerant when it comes to its own.
    
    
    http://www.law.com/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=OpenMarket/Xcelerate/View&t=PubArticleDC&c=PubArticle&cid=1032128635760&live=true&cst=1&pc=0&pa=0
    
    
      Don't Gag the Judges
    
      Thomas Penfield Jackson
      Legal Times
      09-30-2002
    
      The Supreme Court has recently confirmed the constitutional right
      of elective judges to speak forthrightly to the electors about
      legal issues they may be obliged to decide, in Republican Party
      of Minnesota v. White (2002). So now is the time for the federal
      judiciary to re-examine its own attitude toward public speaking
      by federal judges. Our life tenure is all the more reason for us
      to be able to communicate informally on occasion with a public
      that must live with our decisions, yet can never vote us out of
      office.
    
      One convention of federal judicial life to which I have never
      been fully reconciled is the notion that judges shouldn't ever
      comment publicly about their cases-period. As the branch of
      government that prides itself on being the principal guardian of
      the right of free speech for all, the federal judiciary can still
      be remarkably intolerant when it comes to its own.
    
      CANON OF SILENCE
    
      The Canon of the Code of Judicial Conduct on the subject of
      unofficial public statements by federal judges generally provides
      merely that a judge should "avoid public comment on the merits of
      a pending or impending action." The canon then expressly admits
      of exceptions for explanations of the legal process and for
      purposes of legal education. I have considered the canon to be
      simply a rule of prudence, i.e., don't say anything for public
      consumption, on or off the bench, that might sound prematurely
      judgmental or cast doubt upon the essential fairness of the
      proceedings.
    
      Although some judges will on occasion speak "off the record" to
      members of the press, many judges -- perhaps most -- believe that
      the canon imposes a virtual code of omerta forbidding any public
      commentary while a case remains unfinished in any respect, quite
      possibly forever. They regard the canon as a commandment to
      withdraw from all public discourse about the case, even if their
      thoughtful and timely observations might be a significant
      contribution to public understanding of it. The ostensible reason
      is that anything said informally, but publicly, about a case must
      perforce detract from the court's "appearance of impartiality."
      Whether what the judge might say is legally and factually
      accurate is essentially irrelevant.
    
      So interpreted, the canon represents a variant of that dubious
      maxim of leadership: Never apologize; never explain. It also
      suggests that the judiciary is more concerned with appearances
      than with actuality.
    
      Ironically, the unwritten corollary to the same rule countenances
      almost anything a judge chooses to say about a case when spoken
      from the bench or in a written opinion, even if what he says does
      little to promote the appearance of a neutral and detached
      jurist. No one ever talks back, and there are no follow-up
      questions.
    
      The distinction between sanctioned "judicial" speech and
      proscribed "extrajudicial" speech is unrealistic. It conflates
      the concept of unofficial commentary and personal prejudice,
      which do not always equate, and draws the line between the
      permissible and the impermissible on the basis of whether the
      judge speaks ex cathedra or simply as a knowledgeable participant
      in the adjudicative process.
    
      A judge's silence, on or off the bench, does not guarantee his
      impartiality. Any "appearance of impartiality" conveyed by a
      judge's silence may be an illusion. It may also reflect ignorance
      or indifference. The only genuine determinant of judicial
      impartiality is the integrity of the judge himself, not
      appearances, and a reputation for candor is a better gauge of
      integrity than a reputation for silence.
    
      MOST SECRETIVE BRANCH
    
      The judiciary is in many ways the most secretive of the three
      branches of the federal government. It is not subject to the
      Freedom of Information Act or any other so-called "sunshine"
      statute. Judicial disciplinary proceedings are conducted in
      private. Although the judicial system professes to display its
      decisional processes "on the public record," its most important
      decisions are made behind closed doors, whether by judges or
      juries. Law clerks and supporting staff are sworn to secrecy.
      There are remarkably few "leaks," and no whistleblowers. A
      veteran journalist once told me that "we know more about how the
      CIA operates than we do about you."
    
      That secrecy has consequences. In his remarks to the D.C. Chapter
      of the Fellows of the American Bar Foundation last spring, my
      colleague Judge Paul Friedman expressed alarm at the increasing
      intensity of public attacks upon judges and their decisions, and
      the loss of public confidence in the judiciary as an impartial
      and nonpolitical branch of government. Because it would be
      "unseemly" for judges to respond, however, as well as contrary to
      the Code of Judicial Conduct, Judge Friedman called upon the bar
      to assume the responsibility to defend them.
    
      I cannot agree. Judges are responsible for their decisions, not
      the bar. And so judges should expect to bear a large part of the
      responsibility for dispelling the caustic effects of any
      criticism they provoke. One way of doing so would be to become
      more communicative.
    
      The Supreme Court may be an exception, but if there ever was an
      era in which lower court judges could rely upon the majesty of
      the office and the aura of omniscience to inspire confidence in
      their decisions, that age is long past. People expect other
      public officials to earn their respect in part by displaying a
      willingness to answer good-faith questions about actions taken
      and decisions reached. Judges should be no exception.
    
      I know of no good reason why a judge who has made a decision, in
      a case of obvious interest and concern to many people, should not
      at least be willing, if not expected, to respond to legitimate
      inquiries about it from responsible interlocutors, whether they
      are lawyers, academics, students, journalists, historians, or the
      local garden club.
    
      I am certainly not advocating that judges should issue press
      releases or hold regular press conferences, or even be readily
      available for public comment. There are, of course, eminently
      good reasons for judges to be circumspect as a rule. Judges
      should generally not offer post hoc defenses of decisions they
      have made if they truly believe they have sufficiently explained
      them on the official record. The record may, indeed, "speak for
      itself." For another thing, a garrulous judge is likely to be
      seen as self-promotional. For yet another, there are those in the
      media all too willing to exploit judicial loquacity to their own
      ends, which may be anything but the public's interest in
      understanding a controversial case.
    
      MORE-SENSIBLE RULES
    
      Moreover, judges should never speak publicly in or out of court
      until the timing is appropriate. In jury cases judges should
      obviously not speak out when, or in such a fashion, as may unduly
      influence a jury in its work. In nonjury cases, a judge's
      premature expression of an opinion on the merits may signify a
      mind closed before all of the evidence is in. Appellate judges
      should not disclose their thinking about a pending appeal until
      the collegial process of writing majority and minority opinions
      is completed.
    
      And I add another proscription: as a rule, judges should not
      speak ill of other judges personally, whether on or off the
      bench. Personal attacks on judges by other judges also undermine
      respect for and confidence in the judiciary.
    
      Thomas Penfield Jackson is a senior judge on the U.S. District
      Court for the District of Columbia. He presided over the trial in
      United States v. Microsoft in 1999 and 2000. On appeal, the D.C.
      Circuit removed him from the case because he had commented on the
      dispute outside the courtroom.
    
    
    
    
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