FC: Canada's privacy commish: Video surveillance a "threat" to privacy

From: Declan McCullagh (declanat_private)
Date: Thu Oct 04 2001 - 15:07:44 PDT

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    Date: Thu, 4 Oct 2001 17:19:55 -0400
    From: Robert Guerra <rguerraat_private>
    Subject: Privacy Commissioner releases finding on video surveillance...
    
    This decision just came out..thought you'd be interested..
    
    regards,
    
    Robert
    
    
    
    
    
    Privacy Commissioner releases finding on video surveillance by RCMP in Kelowna
    
    links:
    
    http://www.privcom.gc.ca/index_e.asp
    http://www.privcom.gc.ca/media/nr-c/02_05_b_011004_e.asp
    http://www.privcom.gc.ca/media/nr-c/02_05_b_011004_e.pdf
    
    
    
    Ottawa, October 4, 2001 - The Privacy Commissioner of Canada, George 
    Radwanski, today released the following letter of finding to David 
    Loukidelis, Information and Privacy Commissioner of British Columbia, 
    following an investigation of video surveillance activities by the Royal 
    Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in Kelowna, B.C.
    
    This letter constitutes my findings with regard to your Privacy Act 
    complaint. In a letter dated June 25, 2001, you complained regarding the 
    actual and the proposed installation of Royal Canadian Mounted Police 
    surveillance cameras in the downtown core of the City of Kelowna.
    
    You requested that I investigate the lawfulness of this surveillance under 
    the Privacy Act and its conformity with the privacy rights of Canadians.
    
    The questions you have raised in your complaint are of national importance. 
    There appears to be a rapidly growing interest in recourse to video 
    surveillance cameras among municipal police forces across Canada. The 
    privacy issues involved are of the greatest seriousness and have already 
    sparked many inquiries to my Office from the public and the media.
    
    The activities of municipal police forces do not normally fall within my 
    jurisdiction as federal Privacy Commissioner. It is only because the 
    federal RCMP happens to serve as the municipal police force in Kelowna that 
    I do indeed, in this particular instance, have jurisdiction. Nevertheless, 
    because the issue of video surveillance has vitally important implications 
    for the privacy rights of all Canadians, it is my hope that my findings in 
    this instance may also be more broadly helpful to municipal and law 
    enforcement authorities, and to public opinion.
    
    We established during our investigation that on February 22, 2001, 
    following consultation with City of Kelowna officials and downtown business 
    representatives, the RCMP installed one camera in the area of the Bennett 
    Clock on Queensway Avenue in Kelowna. The monitored area is signed, "This 
    area of the City of Kelowna may be monitored by video surveillance for law 
    enforcement purposes. For further information contact Kelowna RCMP (250) 
    762-3300. Information collected in accordance with the Federal Privacy Act 
    ". There are 11 signs posted in the area under surveillance.
    
    We also established that at least five other locations have been selected 
    for installation of surveillance cameras as soon as funds become available, 
    as part of a plan to eventually provide total coverage of all downtown 
    streets and avenues in Kelowna.
    
    While the camera already installed was purchased with funds provided by the 
    City and the Downtown Kelowna Association, it is operated and maintained 
    solely by the RCMP. At the time of the complaint, the camera recorded video 
    only on a continuous basis, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. The 
    videotapes were changed daily and retained for a six-month period unless 
    used for an administrative purpose, in which case any tape so used is to be 
    retained for at least two years. The City of Kelowna hired four watch 
    commander assistants to work for the RCMP Detachment and monitor the 
    cameras and perform other duties for the RCMP. These assistants recorded 
    the date and times the videotapes were changed as well as unusual 
    happenings, if observed. There is no review made of the tapes after they 
    are recorded unless there is a need to do so, for example after an incident 
    is subsequently reported to police.
    
    Personal information is defined in the Privacy Act as any "information 
    about an identifiable individual that is recorded in any form". An 
    individual caught within the visual range of a video surveillance camera 
    can, in theory, be identified. The captured image reveals information about 
    the individual (such as the individual's whereabouts and behaviour). When 
    the picture is recorded, there is a collection of personal information 
    within the meaning of the Act.
    
    Section 4 of the Privacy Act states that "no personal information shall be 
    collected by a government institution unless it relates directly to an 
    operating program or activity of the institution". It is a tenet of the Act 
    that an institution can collect only the minimum amount of personal 
    information necessary for the intended purpose. There must be a 
    demonstrable need for each piece of personal information collected in order 
    to carry out the program or activity.
    
    There is no doubt that preventing or deterring crime can be regarded as an 
    operating program or activity of the RCMP in its capacity as Kelowna's 
    police force. But even setting aside for the moment the serious questions 
    that exist about the deterrent effectiveness of video surveillance in 
    public places, it does not follow that monitoring and recording the 
    activities of vast numbers of law-abiding citizens as they go about their 
    day-to-day lives is a legitimate part of any such operating program or 
    activity.
    
    This type of wholesale monitoring or recording certainly runs afoul of the 
    requirement to collect only the minimum amount of personal information 
    required for the intended purpose. Moreover, the broad mandate to prevent 
    or deter crime clearly does not give police authorities unlimited power to 
    violate the rights of Canadians. They cannot, for instance, compile 
    detailed dossiers on citizens "just in case." They cannot force people at 
    random to identify themselves on the street. They cannot enter and search 
    homes at will, without proper authorization.
    
    It is equally clear, in my view, that police forces cannot invoke crime 
    prevention or deterrence to justify monitoring and recording on film the 
    activities of large numbers of the general public.
    
    In the normal course of law enforcement, cause (reasonable grounds) is a 
    basic pre-condition for the collection and retention of personal 
    information. In the case of video surveillance, information is recorded 
    regardless of the existence of specific cause. By recording continuously, 
    as opposed to recording only selective incidents related to law enforcement 
    activities, the RCMP was unnecessarily collecting information on thousands 
    of innocent citizens engaged in activities irrelevant to the mandate of the 
    RCMP.
    
    I therefore find the video surveillance in Kelowna that was the subject of 
    this complaint to be in contravention of the Privacy Act. The complaint is 
    well founded.
    
    I note in passing that in finding this sort of video surveillance to be 
    unacceptable from the point of view of privacy rights, my position is 
    consistent with that of the Québec Information and Privacy Commissioner who 
    had investigated a similar surveillance activity in the City of Sherbrooke 
    in 1992. The Québec Commissioner concluded that the City of Sherbrooke 
    contravened the Québec privacy legislation by "systematically collecting 
    nominative information on video tape when it was not necessary for the 
    carrying out of its duties or the implementation of a program under its 
    management".
    
    I also note that I believe my reasoning to be consistent with that of the 
    Supreme Court of Canada in its decision in the 1990 case of R. v. Wong, 
    wherein the Court stated: "Što permit unrestricted video surveillance by 
    agents of the state would seriously diminish the degree of privacy we can 
    reasonably expect to enjoy in a free societyŠwe must always be alert to the 
    fact that modern methods of electronic surveillance have the potential, if 
    uncontrolled, to annihilate privacy."
    
    In a letter dated September 10, 2001, Commissioner Zaccardelli of the RCMP 
    has informed me that continuous video recording of the surveillance camera 
    was terminated on August 28, although he explicitly alludes to the 
    possibility that the Kelowna RCMP Detachment may decide to resume 
    continuous random videotaping at some future date. He states that at 
    present the area under surveillance will only be videotaped if a violation 
    of the law is detected.
    
    This puts the present use of the surveillance camera into compliance with 
    the letter of the Privacy Act, which applies only to information "that is 
    recorded in any form." Nevertheless, for reasons I will detail below, I am 
    not satisfied that a continuation of the video camera surveillance without 
    continuous recording is sufficiently respectful of the spirit of the 
    privacy law nor of the privacy rights of Canadians. In my view, only 
    outright removal of the camera would meet that standard.
    
    I will explain my reasoning in the course of addressing the broader privacy 
    issues raised by the growing inclination to resort to video surveillance in 
    public places. Because of the enormous importance of these issues to the 
    fundamental privacy rights of all Canadians, I believe that it is not only 
    appropriate but necessary for me to take this occasion to do so.
    
    Let me begin by saying that I am well aware that, in the wake of the tragic 
    events of September 11, there is probably some considerable public 
    perception that a proliferation of video surveillance cameras in our 
    streets and parks would somehow make us safer from terrorist attacks.
    
    But even if New York City had been endowed with so many surveillance 
    cameras as to turn the whole city into a giant TV studio, this would have 
    done nothing to prevent the terrorists from crashing aircraft into the 
    World Trade Center. In fact, it is difficult in general to believe that 
    massive-scale video monitoring of streets and other general-use public 
    places could be an effective or practical defence against terrorism.
    
    Indeed, the growing enthusiasm for video surveillance cameras to date has 
    focused not on anti-terrorism applications, but rather on their purported 
    effectiveness against more conventional crimes. It is in this context, 
    which gave rise to the complaint at hand, that I wish to examine the merits 
    of such surveillance.
    
    I have often stated my belief that privacy will be the defining issue of 
    this new decade. Quite apart from the new pressures the current situation 
    is likely to create, this is because a host of emerging technological 
    challenges to privacy will force us to make choices that will determine 
    what kind of Canadian society we will have not only for ourselves, but for 
    our children and grandchildren. And if privacy at large will be the 
    defining issue, few privacy issues will do more to shape that definition 
    than the choices we make about video surveillance.
    
    If we cannot walk or drive down a street without being systematically 
    monitored by the cameras of the state, our lives and our society will be 
    irretrievably altered. The psychological impact of having to live with a 
    sense of constantly being observed must surely be enormous, indeed 
    incalculable. We will have to adapt, and adapt we undoubtedly will. But 
    something profoundly precious-our right to feel anonymous and private as we 
    go about our day-to-day lives-will have been lost forever.
    
    The Orwellian idea that "Big Brother is watching" will have become no 
    longer apocryphal, but a literal and permanent daily reality.
    
    That is a choice, and a sacrifice, that we are being invited to make in the 
    name of rendering ourselves safer from crime. But there are several things 
    that I consider to be profoundly wrong with that invitation.
    
    First, there is no persuasive evidence that video surveillance of public 
    places is, in fact, an effective deterrent to crime. It may be that it 
    reduces street crime in locations where cameras are present, but only by 
    displacing it to locations where they are not. Such a circumstance would 
    mean that effective deterrence could be achieved only by having police 
    surveillance cameras everywhere, even in the residential areas outside our 
    homes.
    
    But even then, full deterrence seems unlikely. Setting aside the conceptual 
    improbability of achieving a truly crime-free society through the mere 
    dispersal of cameras, the empirical evidence does not support it. In 
    Britain, which now has more than one million surveillance cameras, violent 
    crime has actually increased.
    
    This is not altogether surprising. In this era of public sector 
    cost-cutting, the use of video cameras tends to replace or reduce, rather 
    than supplement, the presence of police officers on the streets. While a 
    police officer who is physically present can intervene to stop a crime in 
    progress, rescue the victim and arrest the suspect, it is far less clear 
    what can be accomplished by an officer watching on a screen several miles 
    away. In the case of the most serious crimes, the filmed record might 
    assist in eventually apprehending and convicting the offender. But this 
    does little to prevent the crime or spare the intended victim, particularly 
    since most offenders don't carefully weigh the prospects of being caught.
    
    The second shortcoming of the invitation to sacrifice our privacy to 
    surveillance cameras is that the need to make so grave a sacrifice has not 
    been demonstrated. Crime rates in Canada have been declining, not rising.
    
    The third, and perhaps most important, objection is this: Even if video 
    surveillance were in fact an effective deterrent to crime, the means by 
    which we choose to combat crime need to be weighed against other important 
    social values and goals.
    
    In police states, there may be little or no crime, but there is also little 
    or no freedom. Here in Canada, we temper law enforcement activities to 
    accord with the kind of society we choose to be. We do not permit egregious 
    violations of human rights, however effective they might be in deterring or 
    solving crimes.
    
    We make these choices because, while wanting a safe society, we recognize 
    that there is more to safety and a high quality of life than merely the 
    absence of crime. This same perspective needs, in my view, to be brought to 
    the issue of surveillance cameras in our streets and public places. How 
    great a price, in terms of our fundamental right to privacy, are we really 
    prepared to pay?
    
    I am aware of the argument that there is, in any event, no reasonable 
    expectation of privacy in a public place. Certainly, it would not be 
    reasonable to expect privacy where there are signs posted warning that we 
    are under video surveillance.
    
    But while "reasonable expectation of privacy" is a specific legal term, 
    what is far more important is the right to privacy. That fundamental human 
    right cannot be extinguished simply by informing people that it is being 
    violated.
    
    This is particularly true in the case of public space such as streets. 
    People may have the choice of refusing to enter a store if there are signs 
    warning that they are subject to video surveillance. But if there is a 
    proliferation of surveillance cameras in our public streets, short of 
    levitating above those cameras, people will have no way of withholding 
    consent and still getting from place to place.
    
    In my view, there are gradations to the right to privacy. Clearly, we have 
    a greater right to privacy in our homes than in public places, where we are 
    inevitably likely to be noticed and observed by those with whom we share 
    the space. But in those public places, we retain the privacy right of being 
    "lost in the crowd," of going about our business without being 
    systematically observed or monitored, particularly by the state.
    
    I share this view with the Supreme Court of Canada, which stated in its 
    Wong decision: "Šthere is an important difference between the risk that our 
    activities may be observed by other persons, and the risk that agents of 
    the state, in the absence of prior authorization, will permanently record 
    those activities on videotape, a distinction that may in certain 
    circumstances have constitutional implications. To fail to recognize this 
    distinction is to blind oneself to the fact that the threat to privacy 
    inherent in subjecting ourselves to the ordinary observations of others 
    pales by comparison with the threat to privacy posed by allowing the state 
    to make permanent electronic records of our words or activities."
    
    Finally, I want to return to the issue of the distinction between video 
    surveillance and the recording on film of the results of that surveillance. 
    While the Supreme Court in Wong put great emphasis on the risks inherent in 
    the creation of a permanent electronic record, particularly in the light of 
    technological advances since 1990, I believe that video surveillance in 
    public places can present a serious threat to privacy rights even in the 
    absence of recording.
    
    The Privacy Act, unlike the more recent Personal Information Protection and 
    Electronic Documents Act (PIPED) that deals with the private sector, limits 
    its provisions to personal information "recorded in any form." Therefore, 
    observing people on the streets through video cameras without routinely 
    making a recording would comply with the letter of the Privacy Act. 
    However, I am not satisfied that this would fully meet the spirit of the 
    law, nor that it would be sufficiently respectful of the privacy rights of 
    Canadians.
    
    Indeed, I understand that it was precisely the prospect of this sort of 
    video surveillance that caused the reference to "recorded in any form" to 
    be omitted from the PIPED Act.
    
    My first concern is that the very presence of video cameras, whether they 
    are recording at any given moment or not, is what creates the 
    privacy-destroying sense of being observed. Moreover, whatever assurances 
    may be given by the public authorities, people have no basis for being 
    certain at any time that such cameras are in fact not recording. The basic 
    nature and purpose of a camera is to record; short of having privacy 
    invigilators in place at all times, there is no way for the public to know 
    whether or when recording might be taking place.
    
    My second concern is that if a proliferation of video surveillance cameras 
    in public places is allowed to take place, it is a virtual certainty that 
    function creep will lead inexorably to the linkage of those cameras with 
    biometric technology that permits identifying individuals by matching their 
    facial characteristics with photos that are on record.
    
    Far from being some futuristic fantasy, this is already being attempted in 
    some U.S. cities, to considerable public consternation. Once sufficient 
    cameras were in place, there is every reason to believe that this approach 
    would initially be advanced by some Canadian police force as well, as an 
    effective way to protect the public from known criminals-as was done in the 
    U.S. at the stadium during the last Super Bowl Game. From there, it would 
    only be a short distance to using readily available photo sources for the 
    general population, such as driver's licence application records, to be 
    able to identify anyone in a monitored public place at any time, or to 
    monitor the whereabouts and activities of any given individual as he or she 
    moved from place to place.
    
    I need hardly elaborate on the effect this would have on privacy rights, or 
    the kind of transformation it would work on Canadian society. Such 
    surveillance/identification would be as deeply wrong as it is unnecessary. 
    Just because something is technologically possible, that does not mean it 
    is socially justifiable or acceptable. But the only effective way to 
    prevent it is to prevent the proliferation of surveillance cameras in the 
    first place.
    
    None of this is to say that there may not be some specific circumstances 
    where it is appropriate for police forces to use surveillance cameras in 
    public places to maintain safety and order.
    
    For instance, video surveillance, without continuous recording, appears 
    justifiable at particularly sensitive locations that are so susceptible to 
    some form of terrorist or other attack as to require intensive security 
    measures.
    
    Similarly, it is conceivable that in some particular place there might be 
    such an exceptional threat to public safety, combined with other 
    circumstances that made conventional policing unfeasible, that installing 
    video surveillance would be justifiable.
    
    There can also be special circumstances where, to investigate a particular 
    crime, it might be appropriate for police to temporarily establish a video 
    camera in a given location and record images of everyone who frequents that 
    location. For example, if a series of sexual assaults occurred in a given 
    park, police might want to tape the people using that park and show the 
    tapes to the victims to see if they could identify the attackers. Likewise, 
    there are circumstances where police video surveillance of specific 
    individuals suspected of a given offence is an acceptable investigative 
    technique.
    
    But all these circumstances differ fundamentally from accepting widespread 
    video surveillance of the general population. From the perspective of 
    privacy rights, video surveillance by the state can only be justified when 
    it is demonstrable that keeping the peace could not be accomplished by any 
    other less privacy-invasive means. Solid evidence is required in each case 
    to justify the use of generalized video surveillance rather than other 
    traditional means of law enforcement. Convenience, efficiency or cost 
    savings should never qualify as such evidence. Video surveillance of 
    Canadians by the state should be the very rare exception, not the norm.
    
    I have gone to considerable lengths in addressing the broader issues raised 
    by this complaint, because of my profound belief that the choices we 
    Canadians make about video surveillance by agents of the state will go a 
    long way towards determining what kind of society we shape for ourselves.
    
    Privacy is a fundamental human right, recognized as such by the United 
    Nations. The level and quality of privacy in our country risks being struck 
    a crippling, irreparable blow if we allow ourselves to become subjected to 
    constant, unrelenting surveillance and observation through the lens of 
    proliferating video cameras controlled by the police or any other agents of 
    the state.
    
    Although most police forces are outside the purview of the federal Privacy 
    Act, and although the Privacy Act itself does not provide sufficient 
    protection against video surveillance without continuous recording, it is 
    very much my hope that these observations may be of some help in 
    contributing to an informed public opinion, which in the final analysis is 
    always our strongest defence against ill-considered violations of our rights.
    
    This concludes my investigation of your complaint. The Royal Canadian 
    Mounted Police has been informed of the results. If you have any questions, 
    please do not hesitate to contact me at 1-800-282-1376.
    
    Yours sincerely,
    
    George Radwanski
    Privacy Commissioner of Canada
    
    
    - 30 -
    
    
    For more information, contact:
    
    Anne-Marie Hayden
    Media Relations
    Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada
    Tel.: (613) 995-0103
    ahaydenat_private
    www.privcom.gc.ca
    
    The Privacy Commissioner of Canada is an Officer of Parliament and an 
    advocate of the privacy rights of Canadians with a mandate to investigate 
    complaints and conduct audits under two federal laws; publish information 
    about personal information-handling practices in the public and private 
    sectors; take matters to the Federal Court of Canada; conduct research into 
    privacy issues; and promote awareness and understanding of privacy issues 
    by the Canadian public.
    
    
    Last Updated: 10/4/2001 5:
    
    -- 
    Progress, far from consisting in change, depends on retentiveness.
    Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
    "The Life of Reason," 1906, George Santayana (1863-1952)
    --
    Robert Guerra <rguerraat_private>
    PGP Keys <http://pgp.greatvideo.com/keys/rguerra/>
    
    
    
    
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