FC: Chuck Schumer wants to invade privacy of gun buyers, open NICS database

From: Declan McCullagh (declanat_private)
Date: Tue Dec 18 2001 - 09:22:53 PST

  • Next message: Declan McCullagh: "FC: Embattled Texas mall critic returns with plaintiff's-lawyers-suck website"

    Thanks to Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY), one of our great champions of privacy, 
    private property, and limited government, any American buying a gun from a 
    dealer or other licensed seller may have their name permanently embedded in 
    the FBI's NICS database.
    
    Currently federal law (http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/18/922.html) 
    orders the FBI to "destroy all records" of a gun purchase that is approved 
    as lawful. Naturally those champions of individual liberty at the FBI and 
    Justice Department have creatively interpreted this straightforward 
    requirement -- to mean precisely the opposite of what the law says. Thus 
    records have been kept for a period of 90 to 180 days.
    
    Schumer's bill would "allow the Federal Bureau of Investigation to access 
    NICS audit log records for the purpose of responding to an inquiry from any 
    federal, state, or local law enforcement agency in connection with a civil 
    or criminal law enforcement investigation." Seems to me that would let the 
    FBI access and store records of the vast bulk of firearm purchasers from 
    this point on, if this bill were to become law. Here's the text of 
    Schumer's proposal:
    http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d107:s.01788:
    
    Naturally the section reducing the privacy of lawabiding Americans is 
    titled "privacy protection." Glad to know that Schumer hasn't lost his touch.
    
    -Declan
    
    (Note: Not all U.S. firearm purchases must go through a dealer who checks 
    in with the NICS database. Private sales are still, for now, allowed 
    without federal records kept.)
    
    ***********
    
    http://www.cnsnews.com/ViewNation.asp?Page=\Nation\archive\200112\NAT20011217a.html
    
        Senators Propose 'Gun Owner Registration'
        By Jeff Johnson
        CNSNews.com Congressional Bureau Chief
        December 17, 2001
        Capitol Hill (CNSNews.com) - Sen. Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) wants the
        Department of Justice to keep personal data on law-abiding gun buyers
        from the National Instant Check System (NICS), and to offer the
        information for unlimited use by state and local agencies.
        National Rifle Association Executive Vice President Wayne LaPierre
        called the move "gun owner registration, plain and simple."
        Making good on a promise he made during a Senate Judiciary Committee
        hearing December 6, Schumer introduced the "Use NICS in Terrorist
        Investigations Act" (S. 1788) after Attorney General John Ashcroft
        refused to allow the FBI access to NICS records of lawful gun
        purchases.
    
    ***********
    
    CENTER-RIGHT, a free weeklyish e-newsletter of centrist, conservative, and 
    libertarian ideas
    
    Issue 187, Dec 10, 2001
    
    ========================================================
    
    
    "Terrorism and Guns: Ashcroft's 'coddling' of gun owners,"
    
    by Dave Kopel (http://www.davekopel.com), Independence Institute,
    
    and Prof. Glenn Reynolds (http://www.instapundit.com), Univ. of Tennessee
    
    from the National Review Online, Dec. 17, 2001,
    
    http://www.nationalreview.com/kopel/kopel121701.shtml
    
    
    
    Attorney General John Ashcroft has come under fire for what Boston Globe 
    columnist Tom Oliphant calls "coddling" gun owners.  Oliphant's attack was 
    the latest round in the concerted assault on Ashcroft's Second Amendment 
    positions, which started this spring when Ashcroft announced his view 
    (since supported by the recent U.S. Court of Appeals decision in United 
    States v. Emerson, 
    http://www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pub/99/99-10331-cr0.htm) that the 
    Second Amendment protects an individual right to arms.
    
    Ashcroft's stance was consistent with that of the attorneys general for 
    Ronald Reagan, Franklin Roosevelt, Abraham Lincoln, and Andrew Jackson, 
    among others (http://www.nationalreview.com/kopel/kopel052901.shtml).  It 
    was also consistent with most Supreme Court statements citing the Second 
    Amendment, including everything the Rehnquist Court has ever said 
    (http://www.davekopel.com/2A/LawRev/35FinalPartOne.htm).
    
    Ashcroft's view mirrored repeated congressional declarations of the 
    individual right to arms -- including in the Freedmen's Bureau Act of 1866, 
    the Property Requisition Act of 1941, and the Firearms Owners' Protection 
    Act of 1986.  It's also compatible with a wide variety of gun controls, as 
    demonstrated by the Court of Appeals decision in Emerson, which ruled that 
    the particular federal gun law at issue did not violate the Second Amendment.
    
    Ashcroft was, however, out of step with the antigun groups, who recognize 
    that a meaningful Second Amendment makes it impossible to ban guns across 
    the board.  For the same reason, the attorney general was out of step with 
    the position of the Clinton/Gore/Reno administration.  Indeed, the 
    difference between the Bush/Ashcroft view of the Second Amendment 
    (http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/comment050500a.html) and the 
    Clinton/Gore/Reno view was -- as President Clinton admitted -- the reason 
    Gore lost five close states, and thus the election.
    
    Still smarting from that humiliation, gun prohibition groups have decided 
    to attack Ashcroft for obeying federal gun statutes and for complying with 
    a regulation created by Attorney General Janet Reno.  Last week, on the 
    morning Ashcroft was scheduled to testify before the Senate Judiciary 
    Committee, New York Times reporter Fox Butterfield turned a press release 
    from a gun-prohibition group, the Violence Policy Center 
    (http://www.vpc.org/press/0112ash.htm), into a Times article.  Ashcroft's 
    opponents on the Senate Judiciary then used the article to excoriate 
    Ashcroft for obeying the law.  Predictably, gun-prohibition sympathizers 
    like Oliphant and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's Cynthia Tucker have 
    begun piling on.
    
    At issue was Ashcroft's decision to tell the FBI that it couldn't start 
    rummaging though the federal records of *legal* gun buyers as part of its 
    terrorism investigation.  Indeed, the law forbids the keeping of such 
    records in the first place.  It does, however, authorize the federal 
    government to retain records of people -- such as illegal aliens, or people 
    with temporary visas -- who illegally attempt to buy guns.  Those records 
    are available to the FBI for any and every law enforcement purpose.
    
    Mr.  Butterfield didn't bother to inform his Times readers about what 
    federal law actually says.  So let's examine the laws directly.
    
    Since 1998, all federally regulated gun purchases require that the buyer 
    obtain approval from the FBI's "National Instant-Check System," which 
    ensures that the buyer is not a "prohibited person."  NICS checks the 
    buyer's name against a database of felons and other prohibited people.
    
    The NRA had pushed the instant check as an alternative to the Brady Bill's 
    waiting period.  As a compromise, Congress made the waiting period 
    effective for five years (1994-98) for handguns only, to be replaced in 
    1998 by the instant check on all guns.  Determined to prevent NICS from 
    being perverted into a gun registration system, Congress -- thanks to votes 
    of many Brady Bill supporters -- specifically forbade the government to 
    compile records of lawful purchasers.
    
    As enacted, the national instant check law, 18 U.S. Code 922(t) 
    (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/ts_search.pl?title=18&sec=922) 
    provides that:
    
    (2) If receipt of a firearm would not violate subsection (g) or (n) or 
    State law, the [Instant-Check] system shall --
    (A) assign a unique identification number to the transfer;
    (B) provide the licensee with the number; and
    (C) destroy all records of the system with respect to the call (other than 
    the identifying number and the date the number was assigned) and all 
    records of the system relating to the person or the transfer.
    
    (Emphasis added.)
    
    This means, of course, that if the feds were following the law, there 
    wouldn't be any records to examine, since they're supposed to be destroyed 
    once a sale is approved.
    
    It also means that every congressman who voted for final passage of the 
    Brady Act in 1993 (including Senators Kennedy, Biden, and Leahy, as well as 
    then-Representative Schumer) voted for this explicit ban on keeping the 
    federal records of legal gun buyers.
    
    The 1993 prohibition was reinforcing a 1986 Congressional statute, the 
    Firearms Owners' Protection Act (FOPA), which creates a blanket ban on a 
    federal gun registry.  The relevant part of FOPA, 18 U.S. Code 926 
    (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/ts_search.pl?title=18&sec=926), 
    provides:
    
    (a) The Secretary may prescribe only such rules and regulations as are 
    necessary to carry out the provisions of this chapter...  No such rule or 
    regulation prescribed after the date of the enactment of the Firearms 
    Owners' Protection Act may require that records required to be maintained 
    under this chapter or any portion of the contents of such records, be 
    recorded at or transferred to a facility owned, managed, or controlled by 
    the United States or any State or any political subdivision thereof, nor 
    that any system of registration of firearms, firearms owners, or firearms 
    transactions or dispositions be established.  Nothing in this section 
    expands or restricts the Secretary's authority to inquire into the 
    disposition of any firearm in the course of a criminal investigation.
    
    Of the current members of the Senate Judiciary Committee who were in the 
    Senate in 1986, only Kennedy voted against passage of FOPA.  Senators 
    Biden, Leahy, Hatch, Thurmond, Grassely, and Specter all voted for it, and 
    hence for the registration ban.
    
    In addition, the annual appropriation for the Department of the Treasury 
    (which controls the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) always 
    contains a ban on spending any funds for creation of a federal gun registry.
    
    Quite plainly, all this means that (1) records aren't supposed to be kept 
    on legal purchases of firearms, and (2) it's illegal to establish a 
    national gun registration system.  This was underscored in the recent case 
    of RSM v. Buckles, 254 F.3d 61 (4th Cir. 2001) 
    (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=4th&navby=case&no=001777P), 
    where the federal Court of Appeals pointed out that the government's power 
    to scrutinize gun records was limited, and that a national gun-registration 
    system -- even one established through "backdoor efforts" -- was illegal.
    
    Even so, when preparing to implement the National Instant Check System, 
    then-Attorney General Reno announced that the government would keep records 
    on lawful gun purchasers for 180 days.  The stated purpose of these records 
    was to audit NICS, to make sure it wasn't being misused (e.g., to ensure 
    that gun dealers were not requesting instant checks on people who were not 
    their customers -- for example, in case a gun-store owner started 
    requesting background checks on his daughter's boyfriends).
    
    The NRA sued, arguing that by saying the records had to be destroyed, 
    Congress did not mean they should be destroyed "eventually, when the 
    Attorney General gets around to it."  The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 
    District of Columbia, in a 2-1 decision 
    (http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/comment081000a.shtml), upheld the 
    180-day record retention.  The majority opinion, written by a Clinton 
    appointee, claimed that federal law "does not prohibit all forms of 
    registration."  The Clinton majority also asserted that because Congress 
    did not say the records had to be destroyed "immediately," the records 
    could be destroyed sooner -- or later.
    
    Dissenting, Judge David B.  Sentelle, a Reagan appointee, retorted that 
    Congress had been perfectly clear.  "The Attorney General's position," 
    wrote Sentelle, "strikes me as reminiscent of a petulant child pulling her 
    sister's hair.  Her mother tells her, 'Don't pull the baby's hair.'  The 
    child says, 'All right, Mama,' but again pulls the infant's hair.  Her 
    defense is, 'Mama, you didn't say I had to stop right now.'"
    
    The Senate responded to Reno's machinations by restating its 1993 
    intent.  In 1998, Senator Bob Smith (R., N.H.)  proposed a rider to an 
    appropriations bill to mandate immediate records destruction.  The Senate 
    approved the Smith Amendment, 69 to 31, thanks in part to the support of 
    Senators Daschle, Leahy, and Murray.  Later, a conference committee 
    stripped the Smith Amendment, as well as some other non-appropriations 
    riders, from the appropriation bill.
    
    During the 2000 election, candidate Bush condemned the Clinton/Gore/Reno 
    registry of legal gun buyers, and promised to terminate it.
    
    Meanwhile, Reno promulgated a regulation cutting the retention time to 90 
    days.  The Reno regulation forbids the use of the NICS registry for general 
    law enforcement purposes, while allowing registry use for auditing the 
    performance of NICS, as well as for civil or criminal cases arising from 
    the operation of NICS.
    
    Thus, it is plainly illegal for the FBI to dig into the NICS registry for 
    general investigations.  Had Attorney General Ashcroft allowed such access, 
    he would have violated the law.  (This summer, Ashcroft proposed a revised 
    regulation to cut the retention time to 24 hours, but even this shorter 
    time period violates the congressional mandate that records be destroyed, 
    not kept for "a short period of time.")
    
    Fox Butterfield neglected to tell his readers about the 1986 law forbidding 
    a federal gun registry.  He also didn't tell them about the 1993 law 
    mandating destruction of records on legal buyers.  Of the Smith Amendment 
    -- which passed the Senate 69-31 -- Butterfield wrote, "That amendment was 
    defeated."
    
    The Senate Democrats had some basis for being angry with Ashcroft after he 
    began the Senate hearing by declaring, "To those who scare peace-loving 
    people with phantoms of lost liberty, my message is this: Your tactics only 
    aid terrorists, for they erode our national unity and diminish our resolve."
    
    Ashcroft may be correct that his proposals are important for antiterrorism, 
    and do not violate the Constitution.  But our system of checks and balances 
    works best when all potential civil-liberties restrictions are subjected to 
    critical public scrutiny.  Indeed, the value of the Leahy/ACLU loyal 
    opposition was demonstrated at the Ashcroft hearing, when the attorney 
    general promised the military tribunals would not normally meet in secret, 
    and would be confined exclusively to terrorist offenses.  (Both positions 
    are much more rights-protective than the text of President Bush's November 
    13 executive order authorizing the tribunals.)
    
    Ashcroft's harsh words against the skeptics were unfortunately reminiscent 
    of Bill Clinton's denunciation 
    (http://www.davekopel.com/Terror/LawRev/Preventing_a_Reign_of_Terror.htm) 
    of the civil liberties groups that lobbied against his plan to use the 
    Oklahoma City bombing as a pretext for a huge expansion of federal 
    surveillance and wiretapping, and use of the military in domestic law 
    enforcement -- although none of the Clinton proposals would even arguably 
    have prevented the bombing.
    
    The Democrats also feel betrayed that the Bush administration announced the 
    military tribunals, the eavesdropping on attorney-client conversations, and 
    similar new measures before the ink was barely dry on the misnamed USA 
    Patriot Act (http://www.nationalreview.com/kopel/kopel092101.shtml), in 
    which Senate had caved in to administration pressure for even more 
    government surveillance, and for the power to conduct secret searches of 
    homes and businesses.  These new laws do not sunset and are not restricted 
    to terrorism cases; they apply as well to federal enforcement of laws about 
    pornography, drugs, endangered species, child support, and everything else.
    
    After the House Judiciary Committee unanimously passed a much better, and 
    properly focused, antiterrorism bill, Tom Daschle pressured Senate 
    Judiciary Committee Chair Pat Leahy to surrender to Ashcroft's demands for 
    a much broader bill.  Leahy, did so.  Leahy & co.  feel double-crossed now 
    that the administration has implemented military tribunals by executive 
    decree, after Congress had already given the administration almost 
    everything it asked for.
    
    A proper response would be for the Senate Judiciary to commence hearings on 
    repealing or sun setting the many non-terrorism provisions of the USA 
    Patriot Act, which consist mostly of items that have been on the FBI 
    bureaucracy's wish list for many years, and that had never been able to 
    pass previous Congresses.
    
    Instead, we have the absurd spectacle of senators denouncing the attorney 
    general for respecting civil liberties, and for obeying federal statutes 
    and his predecessor's regulation.  At Ashcroft's confirmation hearings, 
    Democrats extracted absolute promises that he would obey and enforce all 
    the laws, even ones he disagrees with.  Now, he's being skewered for not 
    inventing a loophole in federal laws that allow no room for loopholes.
    
    Would it make sense for Congress to change the law to allow registration of 
    legal gun purchasers, to assist terrorism investigations?  No one has yet 
    made such a case.  The FBI has gone fishing for every possible bit of 
    information on the 600 aliens who have been detained.  This doesn't mean 
    that we need to drastically reduce the privacy of half our citizen 
    population (about half of all households own guns) simply for the sake of 
    fishing expeditions.
    
    Remember, current law allows record retention for people who illegally 
    attempt to buy guns.  It would also allow putting the name of every alien 
    with a temporary visa, and every known illegal alien, into the FBI database 
    of prohibited persons -- since those people cannot buy guns lawfully.  [18 
    USC Sec. 922(d)(5)(B) & (g)(5)(B) 
    (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/ts_search.pl?title=18&sec=922)].
    
    Yet the St.  Petersburg Times, perhaps the most antigun daily newspaper in 
    America, wrongly told its readers last Sunday that Ashcroft had cut off 
    access to records of illegal aliens who had been stopped from buying guns.
    
    Current law also allows gun tracing -- the investigation of the sales 
    history of a particular firearm.  If the FBI finds a firearm in the home of 
    a detained person, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms is allowed 
    to trace the gun (using its serial number) from its manufacturer to the 
    wholesaler to the retail store.  From there, the BATF can interview the 
    person who bought the gun, whoever he transferred it to, and so on.
    
    As part of the tracing that is already allowed, the BATF compiles lists of 
    guns used in crimes, and can trace ownership records.  The BATF has 
    successfully connected some of the guns on its trace list with some of the 
    detained people.
    
    We don't know if any of the detained people had permanent resident status 
    (which would allow them to buy guns).  It's also possible that an illegal 
    alien or a temporary could obtain a driver's license in his own name, buy a 
    gun, and get approved by NICS.  The problem is that, according to the 
    General Accounting Office, some -- but not all -- non-immigrant aliens and 
    known illegal aliens are put on the NICS prohibited list.  What we need is 
    better record keeping on aliens, not on law-abiding Americans.
    
    Yet -- even for aliens who slipped through the current, incomplete NICS 
    list -- if anyone purchases more than one handgun in a five-day period, his 
    purchases are reported to federal and local law enforcement, and those 
    records are currently available for checking 
    (http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/get-cfr.cgi?TITLE=27&PART=178&SECTION=126a&YEAR=2001&TYPE=TEXT).
    
    It might help the FBI to gather information on detained suspects if every 
    time a person checked into a hotel or motel, a record were kept by the 
    federal government.  They could then study the suspect's travel 
    patterns.  Yet we don't register all hotel and motel stays for the entire 
    population.  The privacy interests of the American people are held to 
    outweigh the possible benefit to law enforcement.
    
    Similarly, we could require the registration of everyone who purchases or 
    checks out a book on nuclear physics or biological or chemical 
    warfare.  It's hard to deny that it would be helpful for the FBI to be able 
    to check this database against the names of the detainees.  But we don't 
    keep lists of people who own books -- even especially dangerous or 
    incriminating books -- because First Amendment and privacy rights are more 
    important.
    
    The case against gun registration is stronger still.  Even besides the 
    privacy issue, there is the undeniable fact that gun registration lists 
    have been repeatedly used for gun confiscation.  This has happened in 
    California, New York City, England, Canada, Australia, and Nazi-occupied 
    Europe, among other places.
    
    Before Sarah Brady became head of Handgun Control, Inc. (now renamed "The 
    Brady Campaign"), her predecessor, the late Nelson T. "Pete" Shields, 
    explained the plan to The New Yorker in 1976:
    
    The first problem is to slow down the number of handguns being produced and 
    sold in this country.  The second problem is to get handguns 
    registered.  The final problem is to make  possession of all handguns and 
    all handgun ammunition -- except for the military, police, licensed 
    security guards, licensed sporting clubs,  and licensed gun collectors -- 
    totally illegal.  [Richard Harris, "A Reporter at Large: Handguns," New 
    Yorker, July 26, 1976, p. 58.]
    
    Gun confiscation is, of course, an indispensable tool for tyranny, as our 
    Founders knew -- and as Mullah Omar proved quite recently.  As the Boston 
    Globe reported 
    (http://www.boston.com/dailyglobe2/343/nation/How_Omar_led_Taliban_to_power_then_defeat%2B.shtml):
    
    Omar guaranteed the residents a peaceful and secure community if they 
    agreed to surrender their arms to him.  If the residents were ever 
    threatened by someone from outside, Omar pledged to be responsible for 
    their safety.
    
    Within three or four days, everybody in the town surrendered their weapons 
    to Omar...
    
    Congress was right to outlaw federal gun registration, and Attorney General 
    Ashcroft is right to obey the law.  The media and the Senate -- which 
    behaved with such irresponsible passivity when Ashcroft rammed the 
    so-called "USA Patriot Act" through Congress -- ought to stop demanding 
    infringements of the Second Amendment.  Instead, they should start opposing 
    all efforts to further erode the Bill of Rights.  Attorney General 
    Ashcroft, meanwhile, needs to stop denouncing those who are defending the 
    Fourth and Fifth Amendments with the same commendable scrupulousness with 
    which he protects the Second.
    
    =========
    
    CENTER-RIGHT is edited by Eugene Volokh, who teaches constitutional law, 
    copyright law, and a seminar on firearms regulation at UCLA Law School 
    (http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh), and organized with the help of 
    Terry Wynn and the Federalist Society (http://www.fed-soc.org/).
    
    Check out (and link to) our Web site,
    http://www.center-right.org
    
    
    
    
    -------------------------------------------------------------------------
    POLITECH -- Declan McCullagh's politics and technology mailing list
    You may redistribute this message freely if you include this notice.
    Declan McCullagh's photographs are at http://www.mccullagh.org/
    To subscribe to Politech: http://www.politechbot.com/info/subscribe.html
    This message is archived at http://www.politechbot.com/
    -------------------------------------------------------------------------
    



    This archive was generated by hypermail 2b30 : Tue Dec 18 2001 - 09:38:52 PST